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Rough sex - or what is referred to in this chapter as ‘consensual aggression and violence during sex’ (CAVS) - has been the focus, in the United Kingdom and internationally, of some attention and also concern. The latter derives especially from criminal justice proceedings relating to incidents where male suspects have seriously or fatally injured another individual, usually female, and then made claims - that are widely believed to be false - that the incident was a ‘sex game gone wrong’. Despite the importance of this subject, there is little or no understanding of the state of knowledge surrounding CAVS. This chapter outlines results from what is believed to be the first scoping (literature) review of CAVS in the general population. The review was based largely on a search, during June and July 2021, of 15 major databases using 18 search terms, which was conducted in accordance with the JBI Manual for Evidence Synthesis. A total of 74 sources were identified. The research reviewed covered a quite large number and diverse range of areas in respect of CAVS, comprising: conceptualization; attitudes; extent; context, dynamics and nature; explanations; CAVS-related pornography; effects; alleged CAVS; policy and practice responses; methodological weaknesses; and future research needs. Overall, the review highlights two distinct perspectives on CAVS: in the first, individuals chose to take part in CAVS, which they like and enjoy; in the second, individuals, especially women and girls, have experiences of CAVS that are non-consensual or unwanted, and which they find upsetting, frightening or scary.

Many women report experiences of street harassment during their lifetime. Previous quantitative survey research has shown the variety of ways in which this type of harassment can impact upon a victim’s life, including restricting their freedom of movement and fear of further victimisation. The purpose of this study is understand the immediate and enduring psychological impact of street harassment on female victim-survivors.

The present study aims to explore, qualitatively, women’s experiences of street harassment through thematic analysis of on 35 online blog posts. Data were collected from the “Stop Street Harassment” website, where women are invited to share their experiences anonymously.

Three main themes were generated from the data. First was the age at which women began to experience street harassment, with recurring early incidents during formative childhood years. Second was the impact that experiences had on their mental health and psychological well-being with feelings of shame, fear, self-loathing, as well as decreased self-esteem and confidence experienced in the immediate aftermath – though the longer-term negative emotions reported were enduring feelings of anger alongside a constant state of anxiety from feelings of vulnerability to further victimisation. The final theme was the modification of behaviour after experiencing street harassment where women choose to avoid walking alone on the streets or consciously changed their clothing choices, to avoid being harassed.

This study offers a further qualitative insight into the real-life experience and psychological consequences of street harassment upon survivors’ mental health.

In the past decade, there has been growing awareness of well-being and its importance and an increase in the development of activities or programmes aimed at improving well-being. The purpose of this study is to investigate what well-being programmes were being offered to prisoners in England and Wales and what benefits and other outcomes were experienced.

The study used a mixed-methods exploratory design in two phases. Phase 1 was a questionnaire survey of all adult prisons in England and Wales, completed by prison staff. In Phase 2, a sample of survey respondents took part in in-depth interviews.

The programmes identified in Phase 1 included physical activities, creative arts, mindfulness, horticulture, reading and animal-assisted activities. Prison staff reported a range of universally positive outcomes shared by all programmes, including enthusiasm from prisoners, enjoyment of the activities and being able to do something different from the usual prison routine. However, in Phase 2, interviewees rarely mentioned direct health and well-being benefits. The impetus for programmes was varied and there was little reference to national policy on health and well-being; this reflected the ad hoc way in which programmes are developed, with a key role being played by the Well-being Officer, where these were funded.

The literature on well-being programmes in prisons is limited and tends to focus on specific types of initiatives, often in a single prison. This study contributes by highlighting the range of activities across prisons and elucidating the perspectives of those involved in running such programmes.